Literary reactionaries are their own worst enemy

 

Literary critique illustration

Peter Strempel,  21 May 2026

James Ley’s reflections on the decline of literary studies and critique (The Monthly, May 2026) aren’t entirely wrong, but illustrate a blind spot, or even astonishing ignorance, that makes the academics and practitioners of literary appreciation and critique as guilty of the discipline’s decline as the pseudo-religious technocrat cultural vandals driving neoliberal political economy.

Ley’s introduction to his topic is his vaguely sarcastic review of some recent literary and literacy doom-and-gloom press in the USA, but he observes ‘separate surveys in the United States and United Kingdom have found that, over the course of a year, 40 per cent of their populations will not read a single book’, and that ‘a recent study by researchers at Monash University’ found

around a quarter of Australians will neither read nor listen to a book in a given year. Recreational reading is in decline and the trend is more pronounced among the young. Local book sales are soft. In 2024, they went backwards. The institutions that have traditionally provided material support and professional opportunities for writers and thinkers – universities, journalism, publishing – are all in parlous states.

Ley points to social media as culprits in promoting a kind of digital ADHD, promoting the gamut of disinformation, misinformation, and outright lies. No great insight there. It’s just chorus these days.

From there, Ley engages in some introspection about the literary canon, about who determines what is of value, and what is not, and about the debates around worthiness among gatekeepers in the academy. And here Ley seems to ignore reality as much as anyone posting on X.

Missing from his perspective is the critical turning point in modern philosophy, the emergence of the post-modern, that likely began when Martin Heidegger’s Being and Time, and its claims about a fundamental ontology, dissolved metaphysics. Heidegger’s claim was that a study of what exists is necessarily a study of ‘being’ in its form of human existence, and that this fundamental ontology is central to all other knowledge domains, strengthening Nietzsche’s critique of bourgeois values by implying they are likely only arbitrary ‘chatter’.

Why does that matter to literary critique? Because there is a strong argument that the advent of the novel was the expression of bourgeois self-assertion against the power of the old hierarchies of moneyed or institutional power: aristocracy, capitalists, and the church. Those values appear now to be self-indulgent, pompous, and boring. Being boring is the worst possible attribute of literature, and yet the academy keeps promoting such works as part of the Western canon, and critics keep using them as yardsticks of literary worth.

So, for example, unlike many others I see little instructive value in the moral pedantry of writers like Sterne, Defoe, Scott, Dickens, Hardy, the Brontës, Zola, Dostoyevsky, Tolstoy, Melville, Kipling, Conrad, and an apparently lengthy list of others considered part of the literary canon. But I do see value in knowing of their stylistic devices and diction, and especially their place in the history of literature. I come to my conclusions by having read some works by all of the mentioned authors, and having been alienated by what I thought of as quite boring prose with plots and characters of little direct relevance to my own life or times, and then being doubly alienated by the fawning admiration of those authors by academics and critics who seemed to be promoting the idea of objective and timeless standards that invalidate all other perspectives.

I see that model of critique as a kind of pseudo-religious tyranny of imposed meaning. Not at all unlike Ley’s definition of culture wars ‘as struggles for institutional dominance framed as issues of morality’. I would have rephrased that as ‘institutional hegemony based on arguments proposed as absolute certainty about supposedly objective standards that are in fact purely subjective ideological assertions’. Which is essentially the same as my definition of political correctness, whether coming from the ideological left or right.

I see that kind of intellectual tyranny as reactionary in light of the post-Heideggerian development of a continental European hybrid of what is often misnamed ‘cultural studies’ — an ugly formulation with unfortunate armchair left wing connotations in the Anglophone world — but which does combine aspects of literary critique with post-metaphysical philosophy and other humanities disciplines, especially history, historiography, and sociology.

In the USA this still unfinished experiment was hijacked in the 1960s by idiot professors and their student acolytes as a call to arms for some sort new left militancy, as if intellectual inquiry demanded simple-minded ideological alignment. There has never been a requirement to adopt any or all ideas of any thinker as consequence of reading or understanding that thinker.

Nevertheless, thus discredited, the body of work labelled post-modernism didn’t establish itself as an academic discipline in its own right, and even in the more class conscious Britain, the post Marxist dominance in cultural studies robbed it of the power of pluralism, intellectual tolerance, and the possibility of synthesis between opposing views, or at least an intellectual debate rather than the infantile culture wars posturing the Western world has been cursed with since at least the 17th century (via the English, Scottish, and continental European reformations, and in the Anglophone world, especially through James I’s and Charles I’s political blundering. Vainglorious mismanagement of their parliaments that led to the English civil war, and more importantly in hindsight, the settlement of the new world by bloody-minded, authoritarian Protestants).

However, the controversy around post-modernism, perhaps more accurately labelled ‘cultural studies’, is no reason to maintain an allegiance to a dated, sterile canon, with dated and sterile theories in literary critique. It will just kill off the entire field, the way philosophy has died as a vibrant centre of debate since all that remained was the desert of ‘analytical’ philosophy, trying to establish credibility by emulating mathematics and claiming affiliation to the hard sciences.

In the spirit of the lifelong learning that was a catchphrase during my undergraduate years, it seems fair to ask why literary studies as well as philosophy have not embraced a more eclectic curricular range, making electives and even majors available from other schools, departments or faculties. Both literary critics and philosophers could benefit , for example, from the journalistic techniques for clarity in writing, and a grounding in modern history and prominent cultural ideas. Among many other knowledge domains.

If pushed to the question what the future of literary critique should look like, I honestly don’t know, but I have an idea about a possible direction. One of the most notable, relatively recent developments in US philosophy was the defection in the 1990s of Pragmatist philosopher Richard Rorty from academic philosophy departments to faculties teaching comparative literature. He argued the ascendancy in campus politics of the stale and scholastically irrelevant ‘analytic’ philosophy professors made no room for embracing continental European ideas in philosophy, which were best discussed not in the pseudo-mathematical cum scientific blather of atomism, logical positivism, and a revived metaphysics, but in terms of literary critique of the texts and the cultural developments engraming them. Rorty was particularly intrigued by the continuity or development of thought traceable through Friedrich Nietzsche, Martin Heidegger, Michel Foucault, Jean-François Lyotard and Jacques Derrida, taken as a gestalt rather than any specific aspect of the individual thinkers. Gaining an insight to the gestalt inevitably recommends some familiarity with the works of Parmenides, Aristotle, Scotus, Kant, Hegel, Husserl, Gadamer, the fictions regarded as literature proper, and political philosphy since the Enlightenment. Read as literary works rather than just academic philosophy, and revealed as such by understanding the socio-political and economic frameworks in which their authors operated.

In that way, literary critique could embrace the ideas shut out of philosophy departments and through alliances with other departments or crossover electives, rebuild itself more generally as the new must-have foundation in liberal arts and humanities that really ought to be required in all degree studies.

Ley is probably right about the nihilism of consumer technology, especially in mass communication, but the engagement with the nihilistic effects is still a personal choice, and before pointing the stink-finger at only the young (under 40s), as American right wing culture wars crusaders tend to do, it might be quite instructive to gather evidence of exactly how that cohort consumes and generates meanings. I’m betting the ‘young’ see little value in stale, deprecated bourgeois values embedded in bloviating prose fiction. But they might appreciate an insight into how the world developed into the place they inhabit today.

I think there is an argument to be made that maintaining a dated canon is a reactionary rearguard action by professors who’ve made careers of them, but are frightened by the historical cultural developments of the 20th and 21st centuries. There is no such thing as an objective reason why literary studies and critique should be stuck in paradigms and values of the past. Not that study of the cultural past should be abandoned entirely. It just needs to be presented to highlight its relevance today, after the humiliating surrender of bourgeois values to the arid monetization of everything under the yoke of neoliberal political economy; as a guide to the historical development of literary appreciation and critique, not as its sum total.

A field of study based on principles of fundamental ontology and human meaning creation might well be the only viable counterweight to neoliberal political economy and its corrosion of democracy, humanism, and the academy itself. An elevation of the immaterial as the legitimate master and guide of political economy; Ley called it ‘forms of intellectual inquiry that are essential precisely because they have no specific application, no predictable or quantifiable effect, and no obvious end’.

It’s true that a hybrid discipline combining elements of multiple humanities disciplines need not be confined to undergraduate attempts at sounding clever by stuffing essays with abstract and often meaningless academic jargon. Clear language can and does often use a lexicon that doesn’t assume audiences are all ill-educated louts, but it is the subject matter that dictates diction. And that subject matter would be much more interesting if a literary critique enlightened us about the particular political and economic circumstances of an artist’s work: what clique of patronage and funding did she belong to; what politics and social orientation did he promote; can it be discerned what influences they reveal in style and themes; what are the contrasts with related low-brow culture; and why should someone who is not interested in academic theory or narrow literary circles bother ‘consuming’ the text? In other words, address a wider audience to prevent senile decay or extinction of literary studies and its extra-academic practice in critique.

I’m not proposing this as some innovative new approach, but rather as the logical extension of my own 1980s English degree, from which I graduated with a journalism major and politics minor. What I propose here is a retreat from the hyper specialization of humanities to an eclectic consolidation and survival of the humanities overall, in which critical thinking is the key to all other considerations, because that’s what’s been vanquished most notably from tertiary education, and what might be most commercially saleable in the era of AI slop.

Most interestingly for me is the possibility of extending a literary style and eclectic analytical framework to topics outside the arts. Why should political and economic analyses in media, which no longer deserve the rubric ‘news’, not be arresting and inviting prose? Narration offering contrasts, comparisons, and a breadth of knowledge to eclipse the mortifyingly boring he-said-she-said stenography of rehearsed statements by politicians, and engaging conversational prose laced with insights offered by the humanities rather than the rather idiotic, ignorant commentary of ‘editorialists’, who are today mostly piss poor propagandists paid to disseminate plutocrat media owners’ simple-minded prescriptions for plutocrat-controlled kleptocracies. People who devise low-brow narratives normalizing political systems in which the sham of democracy is kept on life support by the same plutocrat thieves owning and operating idiots posing as politicians?

If we have to suffer that kind of neoliberal playground for robber barons and their cut-throat mercenaries, we might at least expect and support critique of all kinds that isn’t just predictably boring, irrelevant to the realities we face, and too timid to call out the lies sold to us by mass media.

Australia promotes imported hatreds

 

Antisemistism royal commission interim report
 

Peter Strempel, 8 May 2026 

Antisemitism is odious, but is it more odious than support for genocidal Judaeofascism? And is ‘Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism’ Jillian Segal being paid or otherwise influenced by Israel to deliberately and falsely conflate opposition to Judaeofascism with antisemitism? More to the point, why are Australians being told they must take sides in a centuries-old feud between Jews and Moslems? And what happened to freedom from religion?

Questions I think are not being asked in the current round of Australia’s self-flagellation about religious elitism.

Isn’t it bad enough we must suffer the Christofascist infiltration of Liberal Party branches, and the possible destruction of that party because of it? It may be true that Christian churches and their congregations don’t commonly face violence or vandalism, the way some Jewish people and synagogues do. But my right to critique Christians, to ridicule, lampoon, or even ‘offend’ them, has never been challenged, the way it is proposed now for anyone claiming to be Jewish.

Reading about testimony by a dual Australian-Israeli citizen nurse makes me wonder, if you openly display support for Israel today, are you not doing the same thing people outside Germany did in the 1930s when they supported Nazi Germany? Can it be argued that the display of the star of David is the equivalent of displaying swastika symbols?

I think it’s more difficult than the Nazi example, because the star of David is both a religious and a nationalist symbol. And I don’t want any part of that insoluble conundrum. But my government is now forcing me to engage with the question, and I don’t support its feeble failure to defend Australian neutrality in the disastrous forever-wars being waged in the Middle East. In the name of religion, but more realistically, because of the inherent intolerance embedded in all religions.

Things weren’t always this way in my lifetime. I still remember being firmly pro-Israel from the 1960s onward, in its fight to exist at all, and to repulse repeated attacks by Arab neighbours intent on its obliteration. I still remember the PLO and its successors rejecting all two state proposals, and other compromises. And I still remember how there was a day in the 1990s when I realized Israel had been hijacked by religious extremists, Zionists intent on annihilating the Arab population in what was once called Palestine. I was free to form all those judgements, based on my own critical analysis, even if I was also always exposed to Americanocentric pro-Israel propaganda as part of the cold war alignments.

If it is no longer my right to form my own judgements about political developments anywhere in the world, because a particular religion or regime says so, and my government collaborates in that monstrous act of totalitarianism, I have been betrayed, and my government has committed treason. The treason of unconstitutionally suggesting that people who say they are Jewish should henceforth receive preferential treatment in the formulation of laws that do not apply equally to other Australians. Without also granting me a vote in Israel.

To be quite clear, I am opposed to all religions, and especially the fascist kind that claims the right to embed its beliefs in legislation, forcing its superstitions and bigotries onto others. Moreover, I am convinced there is no solution to the Middle Eastern feuding. Not until one or the other side has murdered all of its supposed enemies. I want no part in that recidivist barbarism. I reject any pressure to take sides in a squabble in which both sides are ethically irredeemable, having abandoned all humanity, and their own religious commandments about seeking peace and understanding.

We have laws against violence and vandalism that don’t reference specific ethnic or religious groups. What really needs fixing is the gamut of laziness and incompetence in enforcing those laws, and punishing the guilty. Apparently that’s just too difficult for our police forces, or maybe those police forces are just shoulder-shruggingly indifferent to some types of crime. Like domestic violence and the associated murder of women. Like white collar crimes by the rich and powerful. Crimes no one is in a hurry to address, and definitely not with the zeal of the antisemitism witchhunt now under way. So, what needs fixing is the lack of professionalism and discipline in our police forces, not a new tranche of laws to privilege a tiny minority religion in Australia.

It is clear to me that all religions are rife with bigotry, and deserve censure and ridicule for those prejudices. However, its adherents should not have to suffer violent and property crimes for lack of law enforcement. That’s where this debate should begin and end. 

I just don’t care for the religious victim narrative. It smacks of the culture wars attempt by the Coalition Christofascists to legislate special privileges for their preferred cults. The only true victims in the entire public debate about religion are those who are forced to endure religion, with all its superstitious gibberish, its monstrous bigotries, its sadistic hypocrisies, and its ignorant self-righteousness. And I mean any religion, without special exemptions based on spurious anecdotes and irrational personal biases. As has always been the case.

Murdoch art critic sunk by ideology

Vilhelm Hammershoi: Five portraits (1901)
Peter Strempel, 7 May 2026 
Christopher Allen, the Australian newspapers art critic, has some interesting perspectives on art proper, but appears to be astonishingly ignorant about the political economy of exhibitions.  That is, what galleries in Australia can and cannot show because of financial constraints.  A peculiar blind spot for an employee of the Murdoch family, who have used their News Corporation assets to propagandize a palaeo-neoliberalism that monetizes everything.

For Allen’s edification, and that of anyone else deluded by Murdoch propaganda, mounting any show of works borrowed from external collections, particularly if they come from overseas, comes with astronomical insurance costs.  No way to defray those costs except for ticket sales pitched at mass appeal.  And then there are the not inconsiderable costs of staff and technology required to design exhibition spaces and lighting that comply with the parameters set by conservators and curators, the costs of marketing the exhibition in ways that transcend narrow snobberies which might turn off a wider audience.  Im sure there are other costs I havent even thought of because Im no exhibitions expert.  On top of the usual running costs any gallery must absorb.

To show niche works like those of Vilhelm Hamershoi, cited by Allen as worthy but foolishly ignored by Australian galleries, would come with a very large cost and a disproportionately small audience. Perhaps if people like his bosses were more philanthropically inclined, instead of worshiping only naked greed, those costs could be met?

I do wonder how much of an ivory tower snob you have to be to be ignorant of these costs when critiquing Australian galleries for not mounting exhibitions of obscure European painters.  Christopher Allen teaches art history and classical Greek and Latin.  Economic realities dont seem to penetrate those particular knowledge domains. 

The other factor at play in Allens editorials (compare columns of 23 April, 30 April, and 3 May) is a marked variation in style and tone, both within each piece, and between them.  That variation reminded me viscerally of the the reprinted lectures in the 1930s of German philosopher Martin Heidegger, where serious and densely-argued scholarship was topped and tailed by the then expected but crassly crude praise for the Nazi party, and especially the ridiculously fawning flattery for Der Führer, which was so exaggerated that it struck me as satire rather than sycophancy.  

Just as with the Heidegger lectures, Christopher Allens columns change tone and diction exactly when it comes to grafting onto them the apparently mandatory Murdoch family propaganda.  The crude and tiresomely repetitive condemnation of progressive bourgeois tastes.  The transparent loathing for proletarians, even if they are the same proles the Murdoch family has been trying to convert to its populist fascism political project for decades.  The longing for a return to a rigid class structure in which the hoi polloi would know their place and not question the authority of the rich.  And in more recent times, the insertion into every narrative of odious Zionist propaganda now apparently de rigueur for everyone working at News Corporation; youd think the entire country had succumbed to antisemitism rather than legitimate opposition to genocidal barbarism.

Christopher Allen is getting on a bit, and writing for the Australian must be a bit of a sinecure for an old snob, propping up his retirement income.  But a word in your shell-like, Mr Allen: a true snob would never cater to lowbrow propaganda of the kind peddled by the Murdochs.  It cheapens you as a person, and robs you of authority in your own field, if it doesnt also extinguish your soul as a human being.